Business as usual: correspondence from the Bright Family Papers

Nell Ustundag (PhD Candidate in the School of Historical and Philosophical Studies at the University of Melbourne)

Nothing is quite like handling and reading original hand-written correspondence. Letters, particularly those written by hand, are intimate, tangible evidence of relationships between and amongst people; autobiographical evidence of the perspectives and lives of their writers. Most people cherish and collect letters received, yet in today’s overly digital world, the craft of letter writing has given way to email correspondence – emails are editable beyond compare, and instantly gratifying, sent and received in timeframes unimaginable to earlier generations. I myself still struggle to come to terms with the fact that I can write to my twin brother in Washington DC and receive a response within seconds.

The letter that forms the subject of this blog post was written from Bristol, England in September 1815, by L&R (Lowbridge and Richard) Bright, and is one of many letters in the Bright Family Papers held in the University of Melbourne Archives.  This letter – addressed to JC Pownall Esq., in Jamaica – provides an interesting window both into both the commercial correspondence and legal rhetoric of the early 19th century. The quality of legal vernacular, used by the letter’s authors in an accomplished manner, immediately impressed me. The subject of the letter is that of a number of debts and the terms for their repayment and settlement. JC Powell Esq appears to be a lawyer representing the interests of someone at odds with the author, perhaps the debtee, a Mr W Anderson. There seems to be a debtor’s triangle with Mr Patterson and L&R Bright both owed money by Anderson, who owns a property called Bryants Hill, against which debts have been secured and mortgaged. Clearly, there are complicated commercial relationships at play.

Letter to JC Pownall Esq., Jamaica, September 1815, University of Melbourne Archives, Bright Family Collection, 1980.0075.01170
Letter to JC Pownall Esq., Jamaica, September 1815, University of Melbourne Archives, Bright Family Collection, 1980.0075.01170

The structure of the letter, I found entertaining, although I had the uneasy feeling that the authors were both intelligent and cunning. The authors begin by thanking the addressee for the ‘esteem’d favour’ of a previous letter and the family’s ‘full approbation’ of the proposed settlement. After summarising the terms of both debts, L&R Bright turn to points their ‘party’ would like added to the settlement. They refer to the apparent delinquency, or lack of punctuality, in repayments to date, as well as the age of  Mr Anderson (the debtee) and the possibility of his decease.

Letter to JC Pownall Esq., Jamaica, September 1815, University of Melbourne Archives, Bright Family Collection, 1980.0075.01170
Letter to JC Pownall Esq., Jamaica, September 1815, University of Melbourne Archives, Bright Family Collection, 1980.0075.01170

L&R Bright’s tone suddenly changes when they emphasise how much their party has already provided, particularly in the form of  ‘consenting to such remote instalments’, as well as to the fact that they had already counselled Anderson to make arrangements for repayments in the past.  There is no mistaking the full strength of L&R Bright as businessmen, and by the final few paragraphs, they are advising the lawyer about an appropriate course of action to further secure both debts (one owing to them and another to Mr Patterson).

Scattered throughout the letter, are comments, or perhaps threats, regarding the importance of avoiding the Law or Court proceedings. Similar to sentiments today, the more appealing and amicable method of conflict resolution in the early nineteenth century was to settle out of court.

Letter to JC Pownall Esq., Jamaica, September 1815, University of Melbourne Archives, Bright Family Collection, 1980.0075.01170
Letter to JC Pownall Esq., Jamaica, September 1815, University of Melbourne Archives, Bright Family Collection, 1980.0075.01170

This letter and the others in the Bright Collection, would be of interest to people interested in a range of topics, including Jamaican history, early 19th Century Caribbean business and economic history, slavery, and of course, the Bright family.

Having read the letter several times, I wonder how the correspondence continues and concludes. Would the repayment schedule continue? Do L&R Bright get paid? I am curious about the episodes yet to unfold in the Bright family saga – what happens after Richard Bright inherits the Meyler estates in Jamaica in 1818? How will the inheritance disputes with the Meyler family end? What happens to the estates as a result of the forthcoming abolition of the slave trade and subsequent years of economic decline in Jamaica and the Caribbean? So many questions might be addressed by further readings of the many items in this wonderful archive.

 

 


Textual personalities: the letters of Mary and Dorothy Bright

Francesca Kavanagh (PhD Candidate in English and Literature in the University of Melbourne School of Culture and Communications)

The Bright family papers comprise one of the most significant collections of artefacts pertaining to Jamaican and English trade in the mid- to late-eighteenth century held in Australia. Housed in the University of Melbourne Archives, this collection has been of use to scholars primarily for its extensive information into the commercial and investment interests of two trading families, the Brights and the Meylers, across Britain and the West Indies (Morgan 119). However, two sets of letters from Mary Bright (to her son Allen) and Dorothy Bright (to her brother Lowbridge), and their material qualities as documents, provide fascinating insight into the lives of the Bright women and their textual personalities, as well as the difficulties inherent in digitising correspondence.

As preserved documents, the women’s letters are riddled with textual and physical interruptions – shifts in orientation from vertical to horizontal writing, folds in the paper, and the imposition of a wax seal – which obscure and highlight their correspondence.

Figure 1 Front and back pages of Dorothy Bright's letter dated 26 September 1794 with evidence of wax seal, shifts in orientation and run-on postscript.
Figure 1 Front and back pages of Dorothy Bright’s letter dated 26 September 1794 with evidence of wax seal, shifts in orientation and run-on postscript.

Mary’s letters vary in size and often change orientation after the first page. Dorothy’s letters, by contrast, are more uniform, with only the postal address sitting perpendicular to the main text, studiously enclosed and framed by the final page of her narrative. There are also moments in Dorothy’s letters when, in an effort to save paper, her words break ranks; she crams calculations into one corner and her final signoff into the other, separating them with a faint line. In the letter dated 26 September 1794, the postscript flows over onto the cover, obscuring her previously neat, formal address.

Both women employ informal grammar structures, which enable them to shift between subjects, interrupting their previous topic, in a flow of text which runs endlessly down the page. In the place of full stops and paragraph breaks, they rely heavily on commas (Mary) or semicolons (Dorothy). These interruptions can provide insight into the role of these two women in the economic activities of the Bright family when they insert issues of business or finance into the domestic concerns of everyday life. As when Dorothy slips the following between a discussion of social visits and a delivery of candles: “I will attend to all the particular instructions you gave in your last; I have not as yet seen Price; or any of the parties mention’d; & will endeavour to get any information in my pow=er concerning the Inclosure you are so much inter=ested about;” Here, as in other letters, issues of business or inheritance are underlined, signalling both a shift in subject and something critical or secretive about the content. This quote also demonstrates Dorothy’s use of semicolons, double-hyphens for words which break across lines, and a loose “&”, which looks almost like the modern “+”, to signify “and.”

Figure 5 A wax seal
Figure 5 A wax seal

The written narratives of the letters are also carelessly interrupted by their materiality: the wax seal, for instance, frequently tears the middle of each letter replacing words at the edge of the page with those from the inner margins. Yet both women’s desire to fill the space of the letter is such that they consistently write in the areas where the seal will inevitably remove or obscure their meaning. The folding of the letters to form their own envelopes with the lines and shading which result from this practice emphasises the three-dimensionality of the original object – not unlike an origami fortune teller, or Rubik’s cube. The disclosure of the letter’s contents therefore becomes a series of unfoldings that can be contrasted to the endless scrolling of our twenty-first-century screen-based communications.

Figure 6 Using basic digital techniques to replace dislocated text.
Figure 6 Using basic digital techniques to replace dislocated text.

Digital reproductions and archived storage of these letters necessarily flatten the three-dimensionality of these folded artefacts and their textual interruptions. In the archive and digital space they are transformed from personal and tactile objects into dislocated fragments that require the reader to move between them rather than through the letter, thus breaking the flow created by the different writers’ textual styles. As such, the digital image creates new interruptions in these letters. However, digital images also enable us to see the effects of the interruptions more clearly and to attempt to recover the lost meaning, for example, by replacing the text dislocated by the seal. The greater access provided by digitisation also creates an opportunity for wider scholarship to shed light on the accumulation of personality effects in this correspondence and thus to analyse the ways in which the women’s letters embody gendered and domestic aspects of the Bright family’s social and economic history.

 

References and Notes

Morgan, Kenneth. ‘The Bright Family Papers.’ Archives (00039535) 22.97 (1997): 119–129.

Francesca Kavanagh is a PhD Candidate in English and Literature in the University of Melbourne School of Culture and Communications. Her particular research interests include eighteenth- and nineteenth-century women’s writing, correspondence and reading practices. Her approach to the translation of Mary and Dorothy’s letters is from a semi-diplomatic stance.

In regards to quotes, she has attempted to replicate the writing styles of Mary and Dorothy Bright as accurately as possibly by maintaining original spelling, capitalisation, and grammar, however, due to the change of format and limitations of word processing, punctuation may appear differently to the original, such as using “=”to indicate a double-dash line break in the middle of the line.


International Museum Day

On Wednesday 18 May, the University’s Museums and Collections celebrated International Museum Day, an occasion to raise awareness of how important museums are in the development of sociey. Recently, International Museum Day has experienced burgeoning popularity with almost 30,000 museums organising activities in more than 120 countries. At the University of Melbourne tours were offered by the Ian Potter Museum of Art, University of Melbourne Archives, the Grainger Museum, Tiegs Zoology Museum, Baillieu Library Rare Books, Baillieu Library Rare Music Collection, the VCA and TV Archives, the Law Rare Books Collection and the Harry Brookes Allen Museum of Anatomy and Pathology. The tours were followed by a presentation by Fiona Moore on the new Arts West building and the role that it will play in facilitating wider access to, and use of, the University’s vast cultural collection.

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Staff from the University’s Musuems and Collections manned a table in the Baillieu Library foyer with brochures and publications available and spoke to a number of University staff, students and the general public about their knowledge of some of the campus’ cultural gems. Students were particularly interested in finding our more about our Cultural Collections Student Projects Program and the opportunities for practical experience in the collection management field. More information about the program can be found here.

For further information about the current and upcoming exhibitions and events across the University’s 32 cultural collections go to the Museums and Collections website.

Chelsea Harris

Exhibitions Marketing and Events Coordinator

Special Collections and the Grainger Museum

 


Thousands of sea miles and water as metaphor

My love for the sea is so strong that life feels to me only half-lived on land. 1

Images of water and maritime culture are strong themes in Percy Grainger’s art collection. John Harry Grainger, Percy’s father, was an architect and a fine watercolour painter who produced seascapes and maritime scenes for pleasure. The paintings he gifted his son demonstrate an innate understanding of the tensions and energies that combine to create wind-powered sea travel—an interest he passed on to his child. He was his son’s first art teacher. Among Percy Grainger’s juvenilia are numerous paintings and drawings of watercraft.

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John Harry Grainger (1854-1917), French fishing boats entering Boulogne harbour, 1892. Watercolour on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

It is easy to comprehend Grainger’s love of maritime imagery. As a touring concert pianist he spent many thousands of hours at sea, starting his lifetime of sea voyages when he sailed from Australia at the age of 13 to take up his formal studies in music in Frankfurt.

Three years after graduation he was touring South Africa and Australasia with the renowned Australian contralto, Ada Crossley—again, covering many sea miles—and he joined a second tour with her four years later.

Grainger became an obsessive tall ship enthusiast. As a child he experienced the last days of sailing cargo vessels undertaking coastal trade in Australia. He also saw windjammers docking in Melbourne and made sketches of these vessels, as well as their steam-powered competitors.

At 51, Grainger had an opportunity to experience what would have been a dream to lovers of square-rigged ships. He and his wife Ella spent 101 days on a sea voyage to Australia (1933/34) on the Finnish Barque, L’Avenir. It was a profound experience for him, which he recorded in paintings and drawings. He made visual notes of passing ships, landscape profiles from the sea and the minutiae of deck and rigging structures. He later had a scale model of the vessel fabricated.

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Percy Aldridge Grainger (1882-1961), Sail-awning, used to hinder deck tennis quoits falling overboard (mended and kept going by P.G.). L’Avenir, December 1933. Ink on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

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Percy Aldridge Grainger (1882-1961), Pomern, Archibald Russell, Viking, Passat and Ponape, seen from L’Avenir, Port Victoria, S. Australia, January 1934. Watercolour on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

Grainger painted and sketched throughout his life. The deftly drawn pen and ink of a two mast sailing vessel in port at Farsund in Norway was executed on Hotel letterhead—another example of Grainger’s habit of visual note making as he travelled.

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Percy Aldridge Grainger (1882-1961), Farsund, 23 August 1913. Ink on letterhead. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

For a man who documented his life with extraordinarily copious notes, there is limited provenance to some of the works in the exhibition Water, marks and countenances: works on paper from the Grainger Museum collection . Little is recorded of the Californian watercolourist, Hugh Nevill-Smith, whose confidently executed seascape is on display.

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Hugh Nevill-Smith, Sailboat on a lake, n.d. Watercolour on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

The crisp etching of Strandvägen and Nordic Museum (in Sweden) signed ‘Knorr’ may have been by a relation of Grainger’s Frankfurt composition lecturer, Iwan Knorr. And whether Grainger met the New Zealand artist, Cranleigh Barton, is unknown. The artist’s watercolour of London Bridge is a spare, luminous image in the impressionist style.

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Cranleigh Harper Barton, London Bridge, n.d. Watercolour on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

By contrast, some of the works are by friends and were gifted to Grainger. Flora M. Pilkington, known for her watercolours of gardens, produced an image of Edvard Greig’s lakeside home, Troldhaugen, in the year of the composer’s death. Eight years later she gave it to Grainger with a note telling him of the difficulties of finding an appropriate view point.

 

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Flora M. Pilkington, Autumn sketch at Troldhaugen, c.1907. Watercolour on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

Old junks in Shanghai harbour is by Grainger’s friend and early mentor, Mortimer Menpes. Norman Lindsay’s Little Mermaid and his melange of nudes (in and out of water), boats, castles and sheep dogs, titled Capriccio, are two works from a small group of prints Lindsay gave Grainger. As well as sharing a love of erotica, the two artists were fond of model ships.

 

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Norman Lindsay (1879-1969), The little mermaid, 1934. Etching and aquatint on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

The inclusion of detailed watercolours of Grainger’s experimental music-making machines in the exhibition has a less obvious, yet still pertinent connection with the theme of water— here water is metaphor.

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Percy Aldridge Grainger (1882-1961), “Hills and dales” air-blown-reeds tone-tool no.2 (snowshoe), October 1951. Watercolour, ink and graphite on paper. Grainger Museum collection, University of Melbourne

The last musical adventure of Grainger’s life was his experimental ‘Free Music’. He likened the new sonic forms he was generating to the movement of water. His vision was of a music unconstrained by western conventions of pitch and rhythm. Gone would be the incremental movements of melody, harmony and rhythm. The sounds in his head were of gliding tones or Glissandi, and irregular rhythms: multiple voices threading through each other like the lapping of waves breaking on the side of a moving boat.

My impression is that this world of tonal freedom was suggested to me by wave movements in the sea that I first observed as a young child at Brighton, Victoria, and Albert Park, Melbourne.2

By Brian Allison

Exhibitions Coordinator, Special Collections and Grainger Museum

Footnotes:

  1. Percy Grainger to Douglas Charles (D.C.) Parker, 28 August, 1916
  2. Percy Grainger, ‘Free Music 1938’, in Gillies and Clunies Ross, Grainger on Music, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999

A Medieval Beetle in the Rare Books Collection

Eight-legged flying beetle with antlers While much is known about the cultural depiction of beetles in the Classical period and during the Renaissance, much less is known about the cultural representation and meaning of beetles during the Middle Ages. This may be beginning to change with the contemporary digitisation of illuminated manuscripts, books and artworks, and the development of online translators, translations and dictionaries, which are providing new methodologies for analysis and interpretation.

Recently I came across a drawing of an eight-legged flying beetle with antlers in the Baillieu Library’s Hortus Sanitatis (1491)[1], or Garden of Health, which I was able to compare with digitised copies located in other international collections[2]. The beetle is categorised in the section ‘Tractatus De Avibus’ (Treatise on Birds) and is displayed alongside other fantastic drawings like that of a man lying naked in a field being attacked by hornets and that of a myrmecoleon or ant-lion.

A man being attacked by hornetsOn close inspection the drawing in the Hortus appears to be a rudimentary sketch of the European stag beetle (Lucanus cervus). Stag beetles are named after their large antler-like mandibles. Only the males possess these horns and use them to joust with other males in territorial disputes. Stag beetles live in forests, woodlands, hedges and gardens, but they are currently listed as a protected species in the United Kingdom and are thought to have disappeared from certain parts of Western Europe on account of environmental changes and habitat destruction.

A myrmecoleon or ant-lionBy modern standards the beetle-drawing in the Hortus is anatomically incorrect in a number of respects. The beetle has no antennae. It lacks a meso-thorax. It has eight legs rather than six, which technically makes it an arachnid, and its feet are cloven rather than clawed or hooked with tarsi. Having noted these anatomical errors, the stag beetle is identifiable with regards to its brown colouring, spectacular antlers, and general shape. Together with the accompanying textual description, it offers invaluable insights into how Europeans thought about insects towards the end of the Middle Ages:

‘A flying beetle is similar in style to the cricket. They fly towards night and make a waspish noise. He has long horns that are medicinal, [and] those horns be bright and branched like teeth. The head may be taken off yet it [moves not] long without the body. The body without the head [moves] but not so long as the head’[5].

Text describing the stag beetleChristopher Harrington

PhD candidate

School of Communication

University of Melbourne

Interested in finding out more?

Read about the Baillieu Library’s copy of Hortus Sanitatis in the University of Melbourne Collections magazine.

Browse the digitised version online

Endnotes

[1] Hortus sanitatis. [Mainz : Jacob Meydenbach, 23 June 1491].  UniM Bail SpC/RB MTC/20 Incunabula

[2] These include the Linda Hall Library in Kansas City, Missouri, one of the world’s pre-eminent science and technology libraries.

[3] Lister, Martin. Historiae Animalum Angliae. Londini : Apud Joh. Martyn Regiæ societatis typographum, 1678.  Digital version available at http://lhldigital.lindahall.org/cdm/ref/collection/nat_hist/id/22115.

[4] Merian, Maria Sibylla. Metamorphasibus Insectorum Surinamensium. Tot Amsterdam, Voor den auteur…, als ook by Gerarde Valck, [1705].  Digital version available at http://lhldigital.lindahall.org/cdm/ref/collection/nat_hist/id/1049.

[5] Hortus sanitatis.

Full page image from the 'Tractacus de Avibus'


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